# Psychology of flat Earth belief and epistemic trust

## Introduction to Counterfactual Cosmology

The resurgence of flat Earth cosmology in the twenty-first century represents a profound paradox in the sociology of knowledge. Despite over two millennia of established scientific consensus—dating back to ancient Greek scholars such as Eratosthenes and continuing seamlessly through the Middle Ages, contrary to modern misconceptions [cite: 1, 2]—a highly visible and active community of individuals fervently rejects the spherical Earth model. Flat Earth belief is not merely an astronomical misunderstanding but a comprehensive rejection of the foundational epistemic frameworks that govern modern society. It serves as a paradigmatic example of science denial and a radical critique of socially legitimized epistemic institutions [cite: 3, 4].

Public opinion surveys indicate that this phenomenon, while representing a minority position, is not statistically negligible. A 2021 nationwide survey in the United States found that approximately 10% of respondents agreed with or were unsure about the claim that the Earth is flat, with belief levels rising to 18% among Millennials [cite: 5]. Similar trends are observable internationally. In France, polling from 2024 indicated that 16% of youth aged 11 to 24 believed in flat Earth theories, a figure that increased to 29% among regular users of the social media platform TikTok [cite: 6]. In Brazil, 2020 polling reported a 7% prevalence of the belief among the general population, and in the United Kingdom, support hovers around 3% [cite: 1]. 

These demographic indicators suggest that belief in a flat Earth traverses traditional boundaries of education and income, though lower income and lower educational attainment are generally correlated with higher susceptibility to counterfactual science [cite: 5, 7]. However, researchers note that many flat Earth proponents are highly motivated and possess significant, albeit misapplied, analytical skills [cite: 8]. The persistence of this belief highlights a critical vulnerability in the contemporary information ecosystem and points to deep-seated psychological mechanisms that govern how individuals evaluate evidence, assign authority, and construct reality. To understand why individuals adopt extraordinary beliefs that contradict observable reality, researchers have increasingly turned to the framework of epistemic trust, analyzing how developmental psychopathology, social motives, and digital environments coalesce to fracture consensus reality.

## The Framework of Epistemic Trust

Epistemic trust is defined as the readiness of an individual to regard knowledge communicated by another agent as significant, authentic, relevant to the self, and generalizable to other contexts [cite: 9, 10, 11]. Human beings are inherently social learners, primed by evolution to rely on interpersonally communicated information to build accurate models of the world [cite: 9, 12]. This reliance allows societies to achieve a division of epistemic labor, where individuals trust experts rather than verifying every scientific claim personally [cite: 13, 14]. However, this dependence creates psychological and societal vulnerabilities when the mechanisms of trust are compromised.

### Developmental Disruption and Epistemic Stances

The capacity for epistemic trust is established developmentally. Infants are primed to respond to interpersonal signals, or "ostensive cues," which trigger an openness to social learning [cite: 9]. When this developmental process functions optimally, individuals exhibit calibrated epistemic trust, allowing them to benefit from their social environment and adapt to complex realities [cite: 11, 15]. Conversely, the Epistemic Trust framework demonstrates how adverse experiences and institutional alienation fracture this calibrated trust. Social trauma or institutional failures frequently lead to a dual phenomenon: hypervigilance toward consensus science (epistemic mistrust) and uncritical gullibility toward alternative narratives (epistemic credulity), which ultimately converge to foster a strong conspiracy mentality [cite: 9, 11, 15, 16, 17]. 

The Epistemic Trust, Mistrust, and Credulity Questionnaire (ETMCQ) provides a metric to evaluate these stances. Epistemic mistrust manifests as a defensive posture toward interpersonal communication, often stemming from adverse childhood experiences, physical or emotional abuse, or socio-cultural trauma [cite: 9, 11, 15]. It results in a deep-rooted suspicion of established authorities, mainstream institutions, and conventional experts. Epistemic credulity, by contrast, is an uncritical openness toward unreliable sources and implausible phenomena [cite: 9, 16]. 

Empirical data demonstrates that mistrust and credulity are not mutually exclusive but often co-occur. Individuals who exhibit high levels of mistrust toward mainstream scientific and political institutions frequently exhibit correspondingly high levels of credulity toward fringe communities and unvetted online sources [cite: 16, 17]. This "gullible conspiracist" hypothesis indicates that flat Earth believers do not lack epistemic trust entirely; rather, their trust has been catastrophically misallocated [cite: 14, 17]. Studies utilizing the ETMCQ on adult populations reveal that the association between epistemic credulity and conspiracy mentality is fully mediated by epistemic mistrust, confirming that suspicion of the mainstream is the necessary gateway to accepting the absurd [cite: 16, 18].

### Stated Versus Revealed Epistemic Trust

The evaluation of epistemic trust requires distinguishing between an individual's explicit claims and their actual cognitive behavior. Researchers differentiate between stated epistemic trust (who an individual claims to trust), revealed epistemic trust (whose evidence an individual actually incorporates into their beliefs), and introspected epistemic trust (how trusting an individual believes themselves to be) [cite: 19]. 

Flat Earth proponents frequently exhibit an ostentatious stated mistrust of mainstream sources, viewing reliance on institutions like NASA or the broader scientific community as a sign of intellectual submissiveness or "sheep-like" behavior [cite: 1, 19]. They explicitly demand that individuals question all received knowledge. However, their revealed trust demonstrates a strong, almost absolute reliance on the testimony of alternative influencers, community leaders, and algorithmically curated content [cite: 19, 20]. The rejection of consensus science is thus a transfer of epistemic authority from heavily vetted institutional consensus to decentralized, parasocially validated digital actors [cite: 13]. By acting as epistemic intermediaries, fringe influencers fulfill the human need for guided social learning while simultaneously validating the follower's stated distrust of mainstream society [cite: 13].

## Psychological Profiles and Motivational Drivers

The adoption of a flat Earth cosmology is rarely the result of a dispassionate, objective analysis of astronomical data. It is fundamentally a motivated reasoning process driven by a constellation of psychological needs. Researchers categorize these underlying drivers into epistemic, existential, and social motives, all of which must be satisfied to maintain adherence to a heavily stigmatized worldview [cite: 20, 21, 22, 23].

### Epistemic Motives and Cognitive Simplification

Humans possess a strong epistemic drive to understand their environment, seek patterns, and construct causal explanations [cite: 23, 24]. When individuals face complex, chaotic, or ambiguous societal conditions, the cognitive burden of navigating reality increases. Conspiracy theories offer a simplified, ordered model of the world that reduces this cognitive load [cite: 25, 26].

Flat Earth belief provides an extreme version of this cognitive shortcut. If the world is a flat, stationary plane covered by a dome, the universe is no longer an unfathomably vast, random vacuum, but a contained, anthropocentric environment [cite: 20, 25]. Apophenia—the tendency to perceive meaningful connections between unrelated phenomena—plays a central role in constructing this reality [cite: 26]. Flat Earth proponents often utilize "Cartesian doubt," a philosophical method of systematic skepticism, to question every external assumption until they are left only with immediate sensory experience [cite: 27]. Because the horizon appears flat to the unaided human eye and the Earth feels stationary beneath one's feet, believers prioritize personal experiential knowledge over abstract mathematical proofs and astronomical observation [cite: 1]. This allows them to replace complex astrophysics with intuitive, localized physics.

### Existential Motives and the Illusion of Control

Conspiracy beliefs strongly correlate with feelings of powerlessness, generalized anxiety, and a perceived lack of sociopolitical control [cite: 20, 23, 28]. In a macro-environment characterized by rapid technological change, late-stage globalization, and systemic complexity, individuals may feel that they are at the mercy of invisible, unaccountable forces. The reality that global systems operate through chaotic, unguided emergence can be deeply terrifying [cite: 26].

Flat Earth belief addresses these existential threats by identifying a specific, tangible antagonist. The belief posits that a grand "Plan" exists, orchestrated by malevolent actors such as space agencies, national governments, and global financial elites [cite: 1, 3, 26]. Psychologically, believing in an evil plan is frequently more comforting than accepting total systemic chaos. If a villain exists, that villain can theoretically be exposed and defeated, thereby restoring a sense of agency, safety, and control to the believer [cite: 23, 26]. The narrative operates as a simple hero story, positioning the flat Earth believer as an underdog fighting a noble battle against insurmountable odds, making victory inevitable and inherently moral [cite: 29].

### Social Motives, Narcissism, and Uniqueness

The social motives underlying extraordinary beliefs revolve around the maintenance of a positive self-image and standing within an in-group. Two specific personality traits heavily predict conspiracy endorsement: narcissism and the need for uniqueness [cite: 22, 28, 30, 31, 32].

Research indicates that belief in conspiracy theories uniquely satisfies an individual's desire to possess scarce information [cite: 30]. By rejecting consensus reality, flat Earth believers elevate themselves from ordinary citizens to enlightened truth-seekers who have penetrated the grand deception [cite: 29]. This dynamic is intrinsically linked to individual narcissism—a fragile sense of self requiring external validation—and collective narcissism, an inflated belief in the greatness of one's in-group coupled with a conviction that the group is unfairly undervalued or persecuted by mainstream society [cite: 22, 23]. 

Furthermore, studies utilizing the Dark Triad of personality traits (narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy) consistently show a positive correlation with the endorsement of diverse conspiracy theories, including flat Earth [cite: 30, 32, 33]. Pathological personality traits map neatly onto specific dimensions of conspiracy adherence. Individuals exhibiting grandiose narcissism often adopt these beliefs specifically to satisfy their need for uniqueness and intellectual superiority, whereas those exhibiting vulnerable narcissism are driven toward them by underlying paranoia, anomie, and delusional ideation [cite: 28, 31]. The conspiracy theory acts as a compensatory mechanism to soothe the psychological distress caused by social alienation [cite: 23, 28].

## Comparative Topography of Conspiracy Mentality

While flat Earth belief shares foundational psychological traits and epistemic vulnerabilities with other contemporary conspiracy theories, it occupies a distinct sociological niche. Unlike policy-adjacent theories that deal with immediate political outcomes, flat Earth requires minimal complication from current events, rendering it a pure, fundamental rejection of scientific reality [cite: 34]. Analyzing flat Earth alongside other prominent conspiracies illuminates the varying mechanisms of epistemic trust disruption.

| Conspiracy Typology | Primary Institutional Targets | Core Psychological Motives | Epistemic Foundation | Associated Societal Impact |
| :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- | :--- |
| **Flat Earth** | NASA, Space Agencies, Academic Physics Institutions [cite: 1, 4]. | Epistemic simplification, need for uniqueness, Cartesian doubt [cite: 27, 30]. | Rejection of unobservable physics; reliance on localized sensory experience [cite: 1]. | Erosion of trust in fundamental scientific processes and education [cite: 4, 20]. |
| **QAnon** | "Deep State", Global Political Elites, Mainstream Media [cite: 24, 32, 35]. | Existential threat mitigation, Manichean worldview (good vs. evil) [cite: 24, 33, 36]. | Interpretation of coded digital "drops", hyper-partisan alignment [cite: 32, 35]. | Political polarization, radicalization, and support for political violence [cite: 33]. |
| **Anti-Vaccination** | Pharmaceutical Corporations, Public Health Agencies [cite: 14, 29]. | Bodily autonomy, purity anxiety, fear of artificial interventions [cite: 29]. | Medical skepticism, reliance on personal health anecdotes over clinical trials [cite: 14, 37]. | Direct public health risks, resurgence of previously eradicated diseases [cite: 14, 29]. |

Table 1 highlights how different domains of institutional distrust attract distinct expressions of conspiracy mentality. However, research emphasizes that these categories frequently overlap. Conspiracy theorists are highly likely to endorse multiple, seemingly unrelated theories simultaneously. An individual who distrusts the government regarding the shape of the Earth is statistically predisposed to distrust public health agencies regarding vaccine efficacy, demonstrating that the underlying pathology is the disruption of epistemic trust rather than a misunderstanding of any single specific subject matter [cite: 17, 33, 38].

## The Epistemology of Denial and Discursive Strategies

The mechanisms by which flat Earth believers process information diverge significantly from established scientific methodologies, despite their frequent co-optation of scientific language and experimental frameworks.

### Self-Generated Justifications and Motivated Ignorance

When evaluating empirical claims, flat Earth believers exhibit a measurable disregard for conventional markers of evidence quality [cite: 39]. In quantitative content analyses comparing how mainstream populations and fringe believers assess expert reports, fringe believers generated significantly fewer normative justifications. For example, they rarely assessed the methodology, peer-review status, or academic credentials of the source [cite: 39]. Instead, they relied heavily on self-generated justifications, substituting objective data with subjective assumptions and external, unrelated opinions to form judgments [cite: 39].

This selective processing is supported by "motivated ignorance," a strategy whereby believers actively avoid or dismiss content that contradicts their established worldview [cite: 40]. Any contradictory evidence, such as photographic proof of the Earth from space, is immediately classified as part of the conspiracy—a fabricated artifact generated by compromised institutions [cite: 1]. By preemptively defining all contrary evidence as fraudulent, the belief system renders itself entirely unfalsifiable.

### Pseudo-Science vs. Anti-Science

Flat Earth discourse occupies a complex space between pseudo-science and anti-science. Early internet iterations of the belief system often attempted to mimic the language and methods of science (pseudo-science), proposing alternative physics models and conducting rudimentary physical experiments to prove the lack of planetary curvature [cite: 41, 42]. They drew upon the legacy of nineteenth-century figures like Samuel Rowbotham, who developed "Zetetic Astronomy" to argue that sensory observation trumps theoretical physics [cite: 42, 43]. 

However, as the movement expanded onto algorithmically driven social media platforms, it adopted a distinctly anti-scientific posture [cite: 42]. This modern anti-science iteration outright rejects the fundamental methodologies and epistemological rules of scientific inquiry, substituting them with radical skepticism and populist distrust of intellectual elites [cite: 4, 42]. Scholars describe the communicative structure of these communities as utilizing the "Esperantist-Epideictic genre" of discourse [cite: 44]. This discursive mode portrays the group's internal alternative science as pure, neutral, and free from the alleged ideological corruption of mainstream institutions [cite: 44]. It intentionally avoids dialogical situations where true epistemological dispute could occur, thereby maintaining the hermetic seal of the community's echo chamber and insulating adherents from critical cognitive dissonance.

## Community Dynamics and the Gamification of Inquiry

The rapid expansion of the flat Earth movement in the twenty-first century cannot be explained by psychological vulnerabilities alone; it is inextricably linked to the architecture of digital communities and the modern gamification of knowledge acquisition.

### The "Do Your Own Research" Imperative

The foundational ethos of modern conspiracy movements is encapsulated in the phrase "Do Your Own Research" (DYOR) [cite: 24, 34, 45, 46]. Rather than relying on peer-reviewed literature or established textbooks, adherents are encouraged to bypass traditional gatekeepers and curate their own evidence from open-source intelligence, YouTube documentaries, and fringe discussion boards. 

This imperative transforms passive media consumption into an active, participatory culture [cite: 35, 47]. Flat Earth followers do not merely absorb dogma; they are invited to become independent investigators. They analyze commercial flight paths, measure laser levels across large bodies of water, and debate the mechanics of gravity versus atmospheric buoyancy [cite: 3, 45]. This participatory model creates a powerful psychological sink. When an individual invests significant time, social capital, and cognitive effort into constructing a counter-narrative, abandoning that narrative induces severe cognitive dissonance. Leaving the community requires not only admitting intellectual error but severing profound social ties [cite: 45, 48].

### Alternate Reality Games and Psychological Sinks

Sociologists and media theorists characterize the structure of these movements as functionally identical to Alternate Reality Games (ARGs) [cite: 26, 35, 47, 49]. In gamified environments, complex systemic issues are reduced to puzzles waiting to be solved. Connecting seemingly unrelated data points—such as anomalies in a NASA photograph, specific geopolitical events, or historical misquotes—triggers a psychological reward response similar to leveling up in a video game [cite: 26, 47, 49].

This gamification relies heavily on leaderboards, social status, and community validation. Content creators who successfully "decode" an anomaly or produce an inflammatory video challenging a mainstream scientist gain immediate social capital within the ecosystem [cite: 29, 49, 50]. The conflict itself is monetized and gamified; generating outrage and debating mainstream thinkers provides content, revenue, and an entrenched sense of identity [cite: 29, 49]. For many, the flat Earth network operates as a comprehensive social ecosystem—complete with dating apps, international conventions, and tight-knit forums—replacing the social isolation they previously experienced and providing a profound sense of existential purpose [cite: 25, 51, 52].

## Digital Ecology and Platform Migration

The modern flat Earth movement is fundamentally a product of algorithmic social media. While early adherents gathered in physical societies and rudimentary online forums in the mid-twentieth century [cite: 1, 46], the movement achieved critical mass globally via contemporary video-sharing platforms.

### Algorithmic Gateways and the YouTube Era

Throughout the 2010s, YouTube functioned as the primary engine for flat Earth radicalization. Recommender algorithms, designed to maximize user engagement and platform watch time, systematically funneled viewers from mainstream science documentaries or mild conspiracy content into deep rabbit holes of flat Earth rhetoric [cite: 3, 8, 25, 51]. Because flat Earth videos were highly engaging, intensely controversial, and produced in massive quantities—often vastly outnumbering debunking videos—the algorithm treated them as premium retention material [cite: 34]. The 2018 documentary *Behind the Curve* showcased how this online ecosystem successfully translated into physical gatherings, fostering deeply entrenched social dynamics among leading content creators and their followers [cite: 20, 52, 53]. By 2019, under severe pressure from civil society and academic researchers, YouTube adjusted its algorithm to suppress recommendations of borderline content, dramatically reducing the passive algorithmic amplification of flat Earth materials [cite: 1, 51].

### The Migration to TikTok and Telegram

The algorithmic suppression on legacy platforms did not extinguish the movement; it merely forced a massive digital migration. By 2024 and 2025, conspiracy communities heavily fractured and relocated to less moderated, faster-paced platforms like Telegram, Rumble, and specifically TikTok [cite: 51, 54, 55]. 



TikTok's unique architecture—emphasizing short-form, high-arousal visual storytelling and an aggressively personalized algorithmic feed—has proven highly effective at disseminating anti-science rhetoric to younger demographics [cite: 6, 56]. Engagement metrics from 2025 demonstrate that TikTok's average engagement rate (3.70%) dwarfed legacy platforms like Instagram (0.48%) and Facebook (0.15%), providing massive organic reach for controversial and sensationalist content [cite: 57].

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 Analysis of political and controversial communication on TikTok reveals that videos expressing negative emotions, outgroup animosity, and extreme sentiments consistently generate significantly higher engagement than unifying or positive content [cite: 55, 56].

Furthermore, large-scale narrative intelligence studies reveal a sophisticated cross-platform coordination. In studies analyzing millions of content pieces in Europe, researchers detected near-simultaneous amplification of geopolitically aligned narratives and extremist content originating in encrypted Telegram channels and subsequently exploding on TikTok, often evading keyword-based moderation entirely [cite: 58]. This interconnected ecosystem allows flat Earth ideology to serve as a gateway, seamlessly introducing users to broader, more hazardous conspiracies such as the "New World Order" or geopolitical disinformation campaigns [cite: 55, 58].

## Cultural Contexts and Regional Variations

While the internet provides the vector for transmission, the baseline susceptibility to conspiracy theories is heavily influenced by regional cultural histories and institutional performance. The flat Earth movement adapts its rhetoric to exploit localized societal anxieties, demonstrating that epistemic trust is highly context-dependent.

### Post-Socialist Trust Deficits in Eastern Europe

In Eastern Europe, belief in overarching conspiracies is profoundly shaped by the legacy of state socialism, the chaotic transition period to democracy, and ongoing geopolitical instability [cite: 59, 60]. Populations in post-Soviet states possess a historically justified skepticism of state-sponsored information and official narratives, having navigated decades of political propaganda and institutionalized secrecy, such as the initial cover-up of the Chernobyl disaster [cite: 59]. 

In this specific cultural environment, conspiracy cultures thrive not merely as fringe entertainment but as alternative frameworks for making sense of persistent corruption and foreign influence [cite: 46, 59, 60]. The flat Earth narrative, with its central tenet of a massive, coordinated lie perpetuated by international elites, resonates deeply with historical memories of authoritarian deception. In Poland and Russia, for example, online forums exhibit high volumes of anti-institutional sentiment, merging flat Earth beliefs with localized anti-globalist and anti-Western rhetoric [cite: 40, 46].

### Disputes Over Epistemic Authority in Latin America

In contrast, observations from Latin America—particularly Brazil—highlight a different dynamic regarding science denial. During socio-medical crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic, polling indicated that general public trust in science actually remained extraordinarily high among Brazilians, contrary to expectations of widespread anti-science populism [cite: 37]. The rejection of consensus science by certain political factions was not framed as an attack on the scientific method itself, but rather as a dispute over who possessed true epistemic authority [cite: 37, 61].

In Brazil, conspiracy proponents frequently co-opt the language of science, accusing mainstream researchers of being corrupted by "ideology" while presenting their own unvetted alternatives as objective truth [cite: 37]. This aligns precisely with flat Earth communities in the region, which frequently utilize religious elements combined with pseudo-scientific rhetoric to challenge established physics [cite: 55, 61]. The movement successfully positions itself as a democratic reclamation of knowledge, arguing that everyday citizens possess the rational capacity to uncover the truth without relying on corrupted institutional elites [cite: 4].

## Conclusion

The psychology of flat Earth belief is a profound manifestation of modern epistemic disruption. It is a symptom of a broader societal crisis in which the mechanisms of epistemic trust—the calibrated reliance on expert consensus necessary for the functioning of a highly complex civilization—have fractured for a measurable segment of the global population. 

This analysis reveals that the rejection of the spherical Earth is rarely rooted in cognitive deficit; rather, it is propelled by powerful existential anxieties, social motives for uniqueness, and an apophenic desire for order in an increasingly chaotic world. The digital gamification of independent research and the algorithmic curation of high-arousal content provide a perfectly tailored environment for these beliefs to metastasize, creating insulated communities that reward radical skepticism of the out-group and unquestioning credulity toward the in-group.

Addressing the proliferation of counterfactual cosmologies cannot be achieved solely through the aggressive reiteration of scientific facts, a strategy that often triggers the backfire effect and reinforces the believer's persecution complex. Because the core vulnerability lies in deep-seated institutional mistrust and developmentally disrupted epistemic frameworks, remediation requires rebuilding transparent, contextually sensitive relationships between scientific institutions and the public. It demands structural interventions in how digital platforms incentivize divisive content, alongside a societal commitment to addressing the systemic alienations that drive individuals to seek refuge in the comfort of a flattened world.

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69. [PMC Psychology Conspiracy](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC5724570/)
70. [Eastern Europe Conspiracies Book](https://api.pageplace.de/preview/DT0400.9781000214697_A39941876/preview-9781000214697_A39941876.pdf)
71. [The Awl Psychology](https://www.theawl.com/2017/12/flat-earthers-and-the-psychology-behind-conspiracy-theories/)
72. [PMC Cultural Psych Repeat](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11638274/)
73. [Routledge Eastern Europe](https://www.routledge.com/Conspiracy-Theories-in-Eastern-Europe-Tropes-and-Trends/Astapova-Colacel-Pintilescu-Scheibner/p/book/9780367566968)
74. [Tandfonline Tapuya](https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/25729861.2024.2325308)
75. [Cambridge Epistemic Injustice](https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/philosophy-of-science/article/scientificintellectual-movements-remedying-epistemic-injustice-the-case-of-indigenous-studies/4A8B9C64B7BC66BF9FE581E5BB34A5C7)
76. [PMC Science Denial](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8520088/)
77. [PMC ETMCQ validation](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11449354/)
78. [Frontiers in Communication](https://www.frontiersin.org/journals/communication/articles/10.3389/fcomm.2025.1632305/full)
79. [PubMed Credulity Mistrust](https://pubmed.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/38156557/)
80. [PMC Epistemic Stances](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10782893/)
81. [Research in Psychotherapy ETMCQ](https://www.researchinpsychotherapy.org/rpsy/article/view/705)
82. [CEUR Workshop Proceedings](https://ceur-ws.org/Vol-3740/paper-227.pdf)
83. [MDPI Susceptibility](https://www.mdpi.com/2673-5172/7/1/61)
84. [Meson Press Rethinking Gamification](https://meson.press/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/9783957960016-rethinking-gamification.pdf)
85. [Science.gov Gamification](https://www.science.gov/topicpages/s/scientific+thinking+physical.html)
86. [ITU PhD Thesis](https://en.itu.dk/~/media/en/research/phd-programme/phd-defences/2019/phd-thesis-temporary-version-michael-debus-pdf.pdf)
87. [OAPEN Library](https://library.oapen.org/bitstream/id/5485c636-ab78-40c3-a1c7-6bf5a94a2bf9/external_content.pdf)
88. [ProQuest Gamification Critique](https://search.proquest.com/openview/71a0329ba0aa9f801dae9667bddf16d4/1?pq-origsite=gscholar&cbl=18750&diss=y)
89. [Swedish Psychological Defence Agency](https://mpf.se/download/18.6888ebfe19b2bdfbd24538b/1768813534949/Psychological_defence_TGA.pdf)
90. [Meson Press Gamification Guidebooks](https://meson.press/wp-content/uploads/2015/03/9783957960016-rethinking-gamification.pdf)
91. [MDPI Generative Models](https://www.mdpi.com/2504-2289/9/12/320)
92. [Columbia Tech Reports](https://www.cs.columbia.edu/technical-reports/)
93. [PaperDigest ACL Highlights](https://www.paperdigest.org/2024/08/acl-2024-highlights/)
94. [OUCI Behind the Curve](https://ouci.dntb.gov.ua/works/4vMDNbw7/)
95. [PMC FES Netflix](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC11638274/)
96. [CUNI DSpace](https://dspace.cuni.cz/bitstream/handle/20.500.11956/174423/120417570.pdf?sequence=1)
97. [SDU Thesis FEM](https://thesis.sdu.dk/download?id=1760)
98. [The Technosocial](https://thetechnosocial.com/)
99. [Time in Ukraine](https://www.google.com/search?q=time+in+Ukraine)
100. [Time in Russia Repeat 3](https://www.google.com/search?q=time+in+Russia)
101. [Time in Poland Repeat 3](https://www.google.com/search?q=time+in+Poland)
102. [Emerald Institutional Distrust](https://www.emerald.com/oir/article/49/7/1372/1276372/Online-conspiracy-theories-and-perceptions-of)
103. [Wikipedia Criticism FES](https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Modern_flat_Earth_beliefs)
104. [MDPI Italian Egalitarianism](https://www.mdpi.com/2313-5778/8/2/32)
105. [PMC Bible Protestant Doctrine](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC8800547/)
106. [ResearchGate 2.5m Comments](https://www.researchgate.net/publication/391940966_Online_Conspiracy_Theories_and_Perceptions_of_Institutional_Power_and_Climate_Change_A_Study_of_the_Flat_Earth_Society's_Forum)
107. [Carsey UNH Survey Recap](https://carsey.unh.edu/publication/conspiracy-vs-science-survey-us-public-beliefs)
108. [PMC Mediation Model](https://pmc.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/articles/PMC10782893/)
109. [Open University Conspiratorial Milieu](https://oro.open.ac.uk/82564/8/82564VOR.pdf)
110. [UNIMIB Preposterous Framework](https://boa.unimib.it/retrieve/e8956321-aea0-4049-9462-f2aaee94aa45/Pilati-2024-New%20Media%20and%20Society-VoR.pdf)
111. [Reddit Echo Chambers](https://www.reddit.com/r/changemyview/comments/1kr6reo/cmv_there_is_a_striking_similarity_between/)

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34. [sbp-brims.org](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQFLyoHenxH8DM9HKgeBFQwfQLSSphBZB3RDJ2R_IVDQ2Rl64y5qkiMYDAaGdeML8JCSXDI5CRdgtf7Dq47QYw3wI2tTMnp0HEoQkpVopbabStCzSMjj3M95oLmg8A6KMxNV27fi7YR-W7wHKlBXUQBbFQBIi_od_Ize8aZCOsTfE81ElQCA8A==)
35. [cambridge.org](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQE_kWKNyzf_bgUyboHaaOzKBYWq64R-xrDHW8eWNwqvokCCDkhOLV2MGF5u54fefdsf3BI8YZJ42NtqSiZ-41_E58qBUAeVsOrJVWd5QtOCKcxxhE3-AJplHZtnRVabstoTPssQA_dEuisjWVRZ4nCnITkUnhrltLV-Xxh44Y9cZJlrQ-k=)
36. [open.ac.uk](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQF_BpRAP9bTSQBl4snYr20mUPzs9ZQgXNghnZkXbYMDzD4Z3T9RsncXnuioGXyL5KHjqnUZcApYeZYa6XgiVSaV-dbDOR_Kr7fmL5ng8yDEA_B14VYwKIMwBdgx97V2Q3Th)
37. [tandfonline.com](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGV-gHG-h9vK_2ujEHI9FhTC2rTr4MkUK5VUC4jol48OrriCynYt10-EgSCpclrfL6hRVufLP4_TYtjCWOGGuy3WWaAcC2udBf98KlLrL9n_LmHGaehIrpeh3dsP55mm8ChbhY_8VDS6zte2ajx3PboHOWAVdxDzN4=)
38. [puc-rio.br](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQFWUqG1jlhS6zRWNor-3sXMSqA8V3Madq6gdQqz9BW_wfE9dBwX_q9GpAsPnqXFL861CxcEGRdIocTIaSaQ0ugNW4pjO8_0ToMLSnphPK6uNXR9iiDHCIq_u-8SwoJCL_zRG-b-dAev2e8=)
39. [advances.in](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQE8SDZQT-P354akvCCSYViF3rX5Zt5Qq9CYCUxJgEH7-8C1OnM0GU7XoF1pF4NIguZxjCi43XDQWjO7IHeb4_P5VA9y5DkqYxB0l557rpcNjaLzZJq8P6t_IHyjVG2E3yhPc0mqBb3N)
40. [emerald.com](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGQMsfr5-U1-fRXconhyarYAZ9JARk2erJt-bzANRuCM-PqDRyVKBaX2uaOnvQT_hEVfzi7BLQOZA3ddTcNUVN3o2PsK6oY7P4oreDQ8-yG2HoeekI9qy0vvZhUT6afsCsWE3i8vyRPApuz-UdjhaW2EsKWuOSz2HmZYUy_tEvo7ttb0qQLzYTniyY4CJFuMnHJZ0t1id1It8Y=)
41. [theawl.com](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQHIMKBbJwVAFGlmB5nWUzhDky87Tip8JArFWztJH0ZGqONMCquFZcjPoeKCnYekroResiTXi7C4ckKPQEISMnuZOclDkH2dhQ1lqPVQqXXqgRDo0ysfcsvSdKbjzd0fkRtCW6KmCfb3TogaDPbv8H7RQmol98qq49G4EaZNL8-uUFpbhnNk65E4bg6kDCWse-n-)
42. [unimib.it](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGTrfCPO9Sxcuv011KyS_NDwqvaA4gAPopTNgbwYvDsA7mLmRtD6uaa7394JiPphbn_S47GSTVuZ_ZCnO4kLOzFl3nzQbapsQP50ai9oI08jr5wDzV6782_O6hPru-SU9vP-1C3Td79mjgzcHzSkuxMd2djm_Gu-7v_2JRSCBqlZ8gh8rsmk2jd0O_-Qq_tExoodqtLCK7KEFF1642EOTAW8Hh4Jz5k6xKB)
43. [loc.gov](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQEdDlivpmJEHwnNTshBS5sT62hAgZ1qz7F8yzuBEbMYRNiDZRZwpz5jFipDUj1kQOZqN1cOd6P4-gSgauWUNDlSv77UHJdKbhjuaMp7ljdv_86kH6BcuWu-Cbb5SqRqgpHPGQTv1nHogF2PpSpCxkv7DIYPulEv-G53su7YZM_V5F1VOaDIuQpbxWJRHq8ij0LtAE2jW53MY4Hu-DguAEzN)
44. [nih.gov](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQHWS75BxThmVr5xzLHw_5rGfMVdg_egVAMjJZ77I_9Tr1K1AYyj6GNwX6zNpS8eWWeDixJN1Nunxn1DtiEWbcSyp6ZxyEo3YG6qE23Eq9WiOOeWPurjdWcBkTOiACYLmE6Sw_JpT7zE)
45. [drew.edu](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGdoLv_JE9HHk4s7D5v4YRUBPRLDkEYANqo48ygwTbDwTm51-BVOkjfkdKXrkwIHs3ywOtlm7oyc-GPEoLqDlKSsVdqLfhSZAl1CD8G7SJTWZ9g6-oDR7tWP4zGfXnXsmzHhjEQX25fVIJpeRORuwvZGosX1VGQ0sNpvWsnGJf1eZV-KK6qTm6QMvImrnvN-wZenbg97yshcJz0CZVAFghJ8iGkzofWDkurNwJyOvXl)
46. [researchgate.net](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQFX_j1TTDgpMXQrhF1zZ2tCXeufJSI1bbbCE0ykCDhF8RVwgzWUIv11mtjI_SAe3uD8_Dl68jeGjbMmhMzAxcEffZtbFPw-DMX9rGfIxdT66_Of3JkGDQTJA4jngnU48046_nJe9OBE6tSWX2d9nPQCvoI3gfR_crsozzDGq1DFBAdGU0qtzPnpxpOuAejMMTJI54Ws09q_PRYPiNM1G7PRaBMCGpDkmSIWsqbBdIREknscyF9jonrQnAp5_khF6SrH0BPznKzZyz_5Y1LjCP1bWH1jXaSsREwRWBzNhHrRvW3rnp3PqR0t)
47. [researchgate.net](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQEcO88aNL6vWF8II7VQkSBuWrOTVSJZ9ow_3__faoCNksoX1vWCjV3bKg0nLcLn_3K7cFuXl_F1GtRTHJEeyAIhd5OMJJThmCTVZ9iAMM4VcJMOYSgOxaTvWPKzLXd82UynzuH5zxV9jI-FRrOjxZ31BmiOZCnri8ZuztWLiiks-R7luiIb0WKmHfS0IlcodipZX1wa-eD1)
48. [nih.gov](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQFAMYBv3uybEPfSxKayC1CH2PpXagyGwajhKnMCdipCOnsAzwJ281emgit9rU9kxG4Q45364sxZQTR9pBy6PLrD8YeDmv140fpJ5PumegJqYUtxfEKCNIZnIhcBQWcbag==)
49. [meson.press](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGsGOvShJdn8rXKcwKjGulDSdSTq6HqMe31lq9DOSTbxkvVluH7VRct4PNAFEVEajj00qxhUe6Drp3nUUQiF1qDzxiwg6IjcEayVbeMsF_a7CR2QBUjQd-62RrArh_ncNltjMWRyyQH85HufPwNnGivztt6KuhVlK8kQuMLarFa4K1wVsdt0kBUlVVPIJf4)
50. [mpf.se](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQEd4z-Z3eo3AJGd4sAIQG11o8xijyTGMz5q46yRv6yLPhOKL_qLIUTXTmAQy1Kcrc4gp0mos_gr_Q97aJ_zVGI96x1itFsd6iWDsUo46VdWtjKrounfZwpr01W4IkL20rMJcQ0m7Swz2_Bl9sMWvS85O75G3JphQOW-kwHvi2w8xpBb5qKN0ZA77Ce9wjw7L7xwubiN)
51. [thecitizen.org.au](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQHWMuqGc3j1aeUjrsGW5hhqM-573WjojN3MkLL1NcS-Ho4kzrsa5UPDiZ3i0OV_-GiKqj8g-SnmxIDhaIlSHUna_esmrCo3OyYkWZbf18z4f_tK7OjFWKparr2N9xHh7aR8khflIJ_LtjzeceZ_n3XMpMcz3B59oggOD8ulyuDjGi6tbAQ7)
52. [cuni.cz](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQFxmIlERPcA1YeuC8hvYla-j4iSzHd-uMsaZdqcW2JBVv0cGRJrXMUcQoGZ9pSPSvIbfDIygCGGh_nuaHWEpn6A_u1cswmeTvw6bgzj8LMMUOe10G254ihL5pSIaAy1_Lx86CseqqC1-P2d9dMLhheU1fxhEHfqDKUhRAWtSPnlPilOhJVuYWOhzTw=)
53. [sdu.dk](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQFsA3bGoJYcj6dFZ9xIgvkczsd1UX9DQGmmA-gZf-PI3luk_b-shnaDYDcJ9-FizsQusUfWi7L1NwMyouqaHtrh8lGDqk0VGNZiNWjODJm0wLF91Bf3lLCrNCiteg==)
54. [b3mediasolutions.com](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGoasLDsqejrwioCyIr5rIxcN3lreZvD19Y7sse7qu-wpeqguiZmmWMjHXBOjtZ_jq9YtbaR3aJNuGj2VXNDzlesBlbRwYb90nEru6Yp7IvPoA9vBUMfH7n8el9K1FLBcjXTijhcJSNeXER2VFvVLMTivnM9A46dFgot-hQxoyMTWDIAuH03IPCl4WY_BibIDMzn17xAbiRvqleyM1KrA8QK3TinA==)
55. [arxiv.org](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQHJRvsEnh8a1wdK_aPCdC8GAF5ojyORta9HKAjaGj_PPFedQz0kTyHM7-VEjDRFA7I1UWGlKkJxav4VXTCg99-J3SR0oAyTm2W9DKWuTYMRQXNQ0QGwmQ==)
56. [arxiv.org](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQEe6bdjiB3orP4R__RWsMMcWlwwynezR0VUzVWxzMwQ37HVx0IWFGQGUrrNWEwpsux4gXssZuhN7dsQN_TBDtJ6576u68XfyiDWrkD9pXNYkatMeMh-Hw==)
57. [thekeyword.co](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGHfiwagMTdls_ZYNx-BFIBIb6QIGHwyrVqXLF5j61uRQ4aAQXYRW7rLVgruAGSCnsMf3Q0a2GGrL59x-biYhmwZSSUBK3_LKLIZKpDbUqrB-qg79WHxwAbc9Y3QPzd9RHNVzzuUv7KDuMBgbfGdcizs2dN-EkpJmp07A==)
58. [repsense.io](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQEi4wftJ_Ua0JJavi7SVXZN9NfG6AQaRXdKDEWTuM0cmsOzXWePQSeRRT_er0daGI1OkjWgREPYDEYeSZ_UlGntYwrr_YxbM-3HlsxlaaYyM2fQpkzVuCjWa3AEbywSMy6fBiB-L_PrqoMmmLryzEE5MvcOUldFuAd_CC03GJ-x7Jbkw2IowTmx-FHHqWW_cDuVASHkCD06Vc8twaChwknArXebDzhTLAB8Q62yg4m2M4np5O2jef3n3n21xGFyshTc41SPy3faGQ==)
59. [pageplace.de](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQHnF7g-15pNBjqiuh7UeRyqy6VzE8BO33TvMMJh_sp25WQ_BjpB0onayj1mkThcXisZG3rJL0WZD8VfkHXEpaETRx_ZhiI5wy4czEIPDJ-OoNKf2ZYIQxjEPuJdLj9zhu2bWOKujFFSnpyjBxsmp05TKCbyPmwuV5T5IVynU8IkhQuDkoyOkvnajRTLpME11TNT86kr_cKFLEo=)
60. [routledge.com](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQF_JsUuTefCLuGngj_YfSTP_Zc4Ce5FkezhQ0uaGOR3QrYgUbNZ8pf6gupBpMEPo2oOHFjyn4yNRNnbkDv5rqNTxY9YnwX07TXGgrA8DMKk_FxXPZKg53WR8lxj0WsRTh6bhh6z9LAz3cwajzJ_NKOApNwun92aE73sgaitchRMJ3010BuP8WLdW_Zsjl0xxlL_c8LtRpKeNMP9JBnPicEvuJPZpnJ6EQ-ilvxAZtItWeQq9kkoqbPqs1rLgoJTuO2vmbg=)
61. [frontiersin.org](https://vertexaisearch.cloud.google.com/grounding-api-redirect/AUZIYQGidpJILEHPhuBlgwsSwRduunNUaOLXyfsudD_ycGVf46bRekz8UgkW3DNLIXJkBU2TX9iL7RtxD_UoAhpuxu3uE2sxWYm1UgPegRz0lLUY6cTzzWt0AtPdB2WqP3Vlc-bFPqXgcLypg_iUCjvk0Wu4vEv8o_jEiPlo97hz4SZ_0KbQRHP5KRDoxk6-e20LgSV2)